Nicholas II’s Weak and Ineffective Leadership during World War I
Following the collapse of the autocratic regime and the liberal Provisional Government, the Russian Revolution of 1917 culminated in the foundation of Soviet authority under the Bolshevik party’s rule. But during the First World War, which ended in the Russian Revolution, the Czar’s government began to split apart. The war’s inflationary effects coupled with in effective leadership and social instability led the way for the subsequent Bolshevik Revolution, many Russians rebelled against the government. As a result of the war’s social and political upheaval, the Tsarist monarchy was overthrown in the 1917 Russian Revolution. Thus, the main aim of the essay is to analyse and highlight the role of World War I on the Russian Revolution. The paper will analyse the causes and try to substantiate the argument using both the primary and the secondary evidences.
During World War I, Nicholas II’s government was exposed as weak and ineffective. It wasn’t long before World War I began that the Russian people were already polarised, unhappy, and yearning for change. Russian empire was built on “unstable foundations,” as historian Orlando Figes referred to them, and they were unable to withstand one of history’s most severe battles. Nicholas II, Russia’s Tsar, was in the thick of it all and because of its leadership Russia have to pay for heavy economic losses. According to Carr , most Russians believe Nicholas II was unprepared to lead the country during these trying times. He was the son of an authoritarian dictator and the grandson of a reformer, but he couldn’t be either. Nicholas was adamant on retaining dictatorial authority, oblivious to the issues it caused and the risks it presented to his kingdom. Before the commencement of World War I, Russia’s crown had been threatened by a premature revolution. Tsarist control was challenged in St. Petersburg after the Russian-Japanese War (1904-5) and the shooting of demonstrators in St. Petersburg sparked a spontaneous but fierce opposition to the tsarist regime. Despite certain post-Russo-Japanese War improvements, Russia’s army in 1914 was ill-equipped to wage a major war, and neither the political nor the military leadership was up to the standard necessary to do so successfully. Duing the early phrase of the war Duma and Zemstva declared complete support for the government’s war effort in the summer of 1914. Early military buildup shows that Russia has learnt from the mistakes of the Russo-Japanese War, as demonstrated by the well-organized and calm first part of the conscription process. But people’s frustration with the military’s bungling and the government’s ineptitude began to grow quickly. During the First World War, German dominance of the Baltic Sea and German-Ottoman control of the Black Sea effectively cut Russia off from much of its supply and potential consumers. As a result, Russia’s financial, logistical, and military capabilities were severely harmed as a result of poor preparations for war and faulty economic policies. Russians were also uninterested in the battle since a considerable number of resources were being spent on the war at a time when internal conditions were deteriorating. Even in the arrangement of medical supplies or weapons for the troops at the front, the government was unable to overcome its suspicion of any citizen initiative. The War Industries Committee was established to guarantee that the essential supplies were delivered to the front lines due to a lack of materiel assistance. But instead of working together, army officers fought with civilian leaders, took control of front regions, and resisted the committee’s efforts. To give a new zeal and direction to the war the majority of the centre and moderate right created a Progressive bloc in the Fourth Duma and recommended the formation of a national coalition administration “possessing the trust of the public” and a reform agenda that could be carried out even during warfare. But On September 3 1915, Emperor Nicholas II rejected the plan and prorogued the Duma which angered the general public who wanted specific internal as well as external policy changes . Accordingly, the Russian defeat at the Battle of Tannenberg in late August 1914 was a result of their poor decision-making and continual bickering of the Tsar regime. The humiliating setback happened only a month into the war, but it came to symbolise the Russian Empire’s weak policies in World War I. Alexander Samsonov, the Russian Military General, committed suicide because he couldn’t bear telling the tsar about the loss of 150,000 men.
The Impact of German Dominance of the Seas on Russia’s Financial, Logistical and Military Capabilities
Russian military defeats in 1915 forced Nicholas II to assume nominal control of the armed forces. According to Engelstein narrative, he fired Army Chief of Staff Nikolaevich against the advice of his ministers and headed to the frontlines. Two reasons were cited by Buttar as to why the decision was so significant. Nicholas’ isolation from the Eastern Front in 1914 and early 1915 shielded him from public scrutiny. Instead, his generals bore the brunt of the criticism for military failures. But the tsar would now be held culpable for every setback, undermining the Russians’ belief in his supernatural infallibility. Second, Nicholas gave his wife, not his prime minister, the power to run the country. In spite of her devotion to her husband, the Tsarina Alexandra was even more politically inept than he was. Worse, she was born in Germany with whom Russia was fighting the war and now wielded de facto political authority amid a war that was raging across Europe. Moreover, Grigori Rasputin, the self-styled “holy man,” had a grip over her because of his ability to stop the bleeding of the haemophiliac tsarevich, Alexis. It is said that Rasputin had sway on government policies and ministry appointments, as stated by Le Queux. After a while, Rasputin began to wield political clout over Alexandra, dishing out “divine advice” on ministry selections, domestic policy, and even military concerns. Despite the exaggeration of Rasputin’s impact, his evil presence exposed the tsarism’s antiquated and corruptible character. Alexandra and Rasputin clearly lowered the regime’s status and credibility, according to Nelipa, and Nicolas II either disregarded or was unaware of this. His remaining supporters began to disintegrate as he was blamed for everything that happened. Thus, in addition to the tremendous losses at the front, the withdrawal of the army, and the mounting economic woes, there was general understanding that the administration was in the hands of incompetents in the capital and among the upper classes. In spite of State Duma delivered a stern warning to Nicholas in November 1916 stating that the nation would face disaster unless a constitutional form of administration was established. But he disregarded them in classic Nicholas way. Consequently, the Russian Tsarist dynasty was overthrown a few months later in 1917 during the February Revolution. The tsarist system was brought to its knees by Nicholas’s mismanagement of the country and the War, and he paid the price with his rule and his life. As a result of the large-scale deaths on the battlefield, the retreat of the forces, and Nicholas II’s incapability as a commander, political instability in Russia was set in motion.
Another big reason for the Russsian revolution is the economic loss and the social instability that followed during the war. With its 5-million-strong army, Russia entered World War I in 1914, and its subsequent losses (2.5 million were killed and 2 million were taken prisoner) were a contributing reason to the ongoing dissatisfaction among both army and population. As a result of the war, Russia was plunged into a serious economic and social disaster. By 1917, Russia’s economy had collapsed as a result of the conflict. Industrial output was seven times lower than in 1913, while agricultural output was 38 percent lower than in 1913. Inflation reached stratospheric levels: if the rouble fell 15 times from its 1913 peak in 1917, it had fallen 20,000 times by 1920. People began to feel the strain of the war as the central authority was thwarted by court intrigue. Strikes broke out in various places in 1916 because of high food and gasoline prices. Parts of the War Industries Committee were utilised as political opposition by workers who had earned representation in certain sections. There was also a sense of agitation throughout the countryside. Newly enlisted peasants, who faced the potential of being used as cannon fodder in the poor conduct of the war, were more disobedient. According to V.I Lenin’s major narrative of What is to Be Done. emphasised that the economic origins of the Russian Revolution were essentially rooted in Russia’s slightly outmoded economy and during the war it deteriorated further. For the most part, Russian agriculture relied on self-sufficient peasants who had little access to modern technology. Urban overpopulation and terrible working conditions for urban industrialists were consequences of Russia’s fast growth in manufacturing. St. Petersburg’s population grew from 1,033,600 to 1,905,600 between 1890 and 1910 as same with Moscow. But with the dying economy due to the long-drawn war the Russia regime could not provide a substantial way of living or meagre wages to the new working-class population. Todd Chretien also gave the primary account of the life of the workers which remained largely unchanged from the earlier feudal economic model. In addition, there was no running water, and the health of the workers was in jeopardy because of heaps of human excrement. Conscription entangled the disinclined throughout the country. Due to the high demand for military supplies and labour, there have been several additional labour riots and strikes. When hunger struck, employees fled the city in droves in search of food, which was made worse by the fact that skilled workers had to be replaced by peasants. Finally, the troops’ dissatisfaction with Russia’s bad wartime accounting was fueled by their own experiences with inadequate supplies and shelter from the weather. Moreover, as noted by Richard Russian transportation during World War I was stretched to its limits as engines, carriages, and crews were all repurposed to convey troops and supplies to and from theatres of conflict. Russia’s inadequately maintained railway infrastructure deteriorated and failed as a result of this high usage. As Russian transportation and freight networks broke down, the nation’s agricultural output decreased, which had a huge impact on food shipments across the country resulting in riot and chaos against the government.
The Progressive Bloc’s Reform Agenda
The situation in Russian cities had deteriorated to crisis proportions by February 1917. Petrograd, the capital city at the time, required 60 railway cars of food a day but only received one third of that amount. According to John Reed, inflation was so severe during 1916 that the rouble’s purchasing value was just one-fourth of what it had been pre-war. Anger over long bread lines and a women’s march turned into revolution in Petrograd in February. Soldiers who were told to open fire on the crowd but instead shot their superiors. Once the situation grew critical, the tsar decided to make his way back from the front. Striking train employees slowed him down as he made his way. On the sidings of a railway in Pskov, Nicholas II was greeted by his generals and Duma members. Nicholas signed an abdication document, which was required by all but one. Almost 300 years of Romanov power came to an ignominious end with the flick of a pen in a stopped train compartment during the Russian Revolution. In October 1917, the socialist Bolshevik Party seized control of Russia. Vladimir Ulyanov, better known as Lenin, inspired Russian peasants, soldiers, and sailors to rally around his party’s slogan of “peace, food, and land,” which they accepted.
At the conclusion it needs to be stressed that the Russia’s revolution was sparked by World War I, which also ended one of Europe’s most venerable monarchs and introduced communist rule to the world. Death and deprivation and human misery would be delivered by this in its own right. To the tremendous deaths, army retreats, and mounting economic problems, the general public and upper-class citizens alike realised that the government was run by incompetent leadership during World War I. This, along with the Tsar regime’s poor management of the war, resulted in riots and internal unrest across the nation, leading to the Communists seizing power in Moscow.
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